Sex & Character

Author's Preface
This book is an attempt to place the relations of Sex in a new and decisive
light. It is an attempt not to collect the greatest possible number of distinguishing
characters, or to arrange into a system all the results of scientific measuring
and experiment, but to refer to a single principle the whole contrast between
man and woman. In this respect the book differs from all other works on the
same subject. It does not linger over this or that detail, but presses on to
its ultimate goal; it does not heap investigation on investigation, but combines
the psychical differences between the sexes into a system; it deals not with
women, but with woman. It sets out, indeed, from the most common and obvious
facts, but intends to reach a single, concrete principle. This is not "inductive
metaphysics"; it is gradual approach to the heart of psychology.
The investigation is not of details, but of principles; it does not despise
the laboratory, although the help of the laboratory, with regard to the deeper
problems, is limited as compared with the results of introspective analysis.
The artist does not despise experimental results; on the contrary, he regards
it as a duty to gain experience; but for him the collection of experimental
knowledge is merely a starting-point for self- exploration, and in art self-exploration
is exploration of the world.
The psychology used in this exposition is purely philosophical, although its
characteristic method, justified by the subject, is to set out from the most
trivial details of experience. The task of the philosopher differs from that
of the artist in one important respect. The one deals in symbols, the other
in ideas. Art and philosophy stand to one another as expression to meaning.
The artist has breathed in the world to breathe it out again; the philosopher
has the world outside him and he has to absorb it.
There is always something pretentious in theory; and the real meaning - which
in a work of art is Nature herself and in a philosophical system is a much condensed
generalisation, a thesis going to the root of the matter and proving itself
- appears to strike against us harshly, almost offensively. Where my exposition
is anti-feminine, and that is nearly everywhere, men themselves will receive
it with little heartiness or conviction; their sexual egoism makes them prefer
to see woman as they would like to have her, as they would like her to be.
I need not say that I am prepared for the answer women will have to the judgment
I have passed on their sex. My investigation, indeed, turns against man in the
end, and although in a deeper sense than the advocates of women's rights could
anticipate, assigns to man the heaviest and most real blame. But this will help
me little and is of such a nature that it cannot in the smallest way rehabilitate
me in the minds of women.
The analysis, however, goes further than the assignment of blame; it rises beyond
simple and superficial phenomena to heights from which there opens not only
a view into the nature of woman and its meaning in the universe, but also the
relation to mankind and to the ultimate and most lofty problems. A definite
relation to the problem of Culture is attained, and we reach the part to be
played by woman in the sphere of ideal aims. There, also, where the problems
of Culture and of Mankind coincide, I try not merely to explain but to assign
values, for, indeed, in that region explanation and valuation are identical.
The philosophical reader may take it amiss to find a treatment of the loftiest
and ultimate problems coinciding with the investigation of a special problem
of no great dignity; I share with him this distaste. I may say, however, that
I have treated throughout the contrast between the sexes as the starting-point
rather than the goal of my research. The investigation has yielded a harvest
rich in its bearing on the fundamental problems of logic and their relations
to the axioms of thought, on the theory of aesthetics, of love, and of the beautiful
and the good, and on problems such as individuality and morality and their relations,
on the phenomena of genius, the craving for immortality, and Hebraism. Naturally
these comprehensive interrelations aid this special problem, for, as it is considered
from so many points of view, its scope enlarges. And if in this wider sense
it be proved that culture can give only the smallest hope for the nature of
woman, if the final results are a depreciation, even a negation of womanhood,
there will be no attempt in this to destroy what exists, to humble what has
a value of its own. Horror of my own deed would overtake me were I here only
destructive and had I left only a clean sheet. Perhaps the affirmations in my
book are less articulate, but he that has ears to hear will hear them.
This treatise falls into two parts, the first biological- psychological, the
second logical-philosophical. It may be objected that I should have done better
to make two books, the one treating of purely physical science, the other introspective.
It was necessary to be done with biology before turning to psychology. The second
part treats of certain psychical problems in a fashion totally different from
the method of any contemporary naturalist, and for that reason I think that
the removal of the first part of the book would have been at some risk to many
readers. Moreover, the first part of the book challenges an attention and criticism
from natural science, possible in a few places only in the second part, which
is chiefly introspective. Because the second part starts from a conception of
the universe that is anti-positivistic, many will think it unscientific (although
there is given a strong proof against Positivism). For the present I must be
content with the conviction that I have rendered its due to Biology, and that
I have established an enduring position for non-biological, non- physiological
psychology.
My investigation may be objected to as in certain points not being supported
by enough proof, but I see little force in such an objection. For in these matters
what can "proof" mean? I am not dealing with mathematics or with the
theory of cognition (except with the latter in two cases); I am dealing with
empirical knowledge, and in that one can do no more than point to what exists;
in this region proof means no more than the agreement of new experience with
old experience, and it is much the same whether the new phenomena have been
produced experimentally by men, or have come straight from the creative hand
of nature. Of such latter proofs my book contains many.
Finally, I should like to say that my book, if I may be allowed to judge it,
is for the most part not of a quality to be understood and absorbed at the first
glance. I point out this myself, to guide and protect the reader.
The less I found myself able in both parts of the book (and especially in the
second) to confirm what now passes for knowledge, the more anxious I have been
to point out coincidences where I found myself in agreement with what has already
been known and said.
FIRST OR PREPARATORY PART
SEXUAL COMPLEXITY
Introduction
All thought begins with conceptions to a certain extent generalised, and thence is developed in two directions. On the one hand, generalisations become wider and wider, binding together by common properties a larger and larger number of phenomena, and so embracing a wider field of the world of facts. On the other hand, thought approaches more closely the meeting- point of all conceptions, the individual, the concrete complex unit towards which we approach only by thinking in an ever- narrowing circle, and by continually being able to add new specific and differentiating attributes to the general idea, "thing," or "something." It was known that fishes formed a class of the animal kingdom distinct from mammals, birds, or invertebrates, long before it was recognised on the one hand that fishes might be bony or cartilaginous, or on the other that fishes, birds and mammals composed a group differing from the invertebrates by many common characters.
The self-assertion of the mind over the world of facts in all its complexity
of innumerable resemblances and differences has been compared with the rule
of the struggle for existence among living beings. Our conceptions stand between
us and reality. It is only step by step that we can control them. As in the
case of a madman, we may first have to throw a net over the whole body so that
some limit may be set to his struggles; and only after the whole has been thus
secured, is it possible to attend to the proper restraint of each limb.
Two general conceptions have come down to us from primitive mankind, and from
the earliest times have held our mental processes in their leash. Many a time
these conceptions have undergone trivial corrections; they have been sent to
the workshop and patched in head and limbs; they have been lopped and added
to, expanded here, contracted there, as when new needs pierce through and through
an old law of suffrage, bursting bond after bond. None the less, in spite of
all amendment and alteration, we have still to reckon with the primitive conceptions,
male and female.
It is true that among those we call women are some who are meagre, narrow-hipped,
angular, muscular, energetic, highly mentalised; there are "women"
with short hair and deep voices, just as there are "men" who are beardless
and gossiping. We know, in fact, that there are unwomanly women, man-like women,
and unmanly, womanish, woman-like men. We assign sex to human beings from their
birth on one character only, and so come to add contradictory ideas to our conceptions.
Such a course is illogical.
In private conversation or in society, in scientific or general meetings, we
have all taken part in frothy discussions on "Man and Woman," or on
the "Emancipation of Women." There is a pitiful monotony in the fashion
according to which, on such occasions, "men" and "women"
have been treated as if, like red and white balls, they were alike in all respects
save colour. In no case has the discussion been confined to an individual case,
and as every one had different individuals in their mind, a real agreement was
impossible. As people meant differing things by the same words, there was a
complete disharmony between language and ideas. Is it really the case that all
women and men are marked off sharply from each other, the women, on the one
hand, alike in all points, the men on the other? It is certainly the case that
all previous treatment of the sexual differences, perhaps unconsciously, has
implied this view. And yet nowhere else in nature is there such a yawning discontinuity.
There are transitional forms between the metals and non-metals, between chemical
combinations and mixtures, between animals and plants, between phanerogams and
cryptogams, and between reptiles and birds. It is only in obedience to the most
general, practical demand for a superficial view that we classify, make sharp
divisions, pick out a single tune from the continuous melody of nature. But
the old conceptions of the mind, like the customs of primitive commerce, become
foolish in a new age. From the analogies I have given, the improbability may
henceforward be taken for granted of finding in nature a sharp cleavage between
all that is masculine on the one side and all that is feminine on the other;
or that a living being is so simple in this respect that it can be put wholly
on one side or the other of the line. Matters are not so clear.
In the controversy as to the woman question, appeal has been made to the arbitration
of anatomy, in the hope that by that aid a line could be drawn between those
characters of males or females that are unalterable because inborn, and those
that are acquired. (It was a strange adventure to attempt to decide the differences
between the natural endowment of men and women on anatomical results; to suppose
that if all other investigation failed to establish the difference, the matter
could be settled by a few more grains of brain-weight on the one side.) However,
the answer of the anatomists is clear enough; whether it refer to the brain
or to any other portion of the body; absolute sexual distinctions between all
men on the one side and all women on the other do not exist. Although the skeleton
of the hand of most men is different from that of most women, yet the sex cannot
be determined with certainty either from the skeleton or from an isolated part
with its muscles, tendons, skin, blood and nerves. The same is true of the chest,
sacrum or skull. And what are we to say of the pelvis, that part of the skeleton
in which, if anywhere, striking sexual differences exist? It is almost universally
believed that in the one case the pelvis is adapted for the act of parturition,
in the other case is not so adapted. And yet the character of the pelvis cannot
be taken as an absolute criterion of sex. There are to be found, and the wayfarer
knows this as well as the anatomist, many women with narrow male-like pelves,
and many men with the broad pelves of women. Are we then to make nothing of
sexual differences? That would imply, almost, that we could not distinguish
between men and women.
From what quarter are we to seek help in our problem? The old doctrine is insufficient,
and yet we cannot make shift without it. If the received ideas do not suffice,
it must be our task to seek out new and better guides.
"Males" and "Females"
In the widest treatment of most living things, a blunt separation of them into
males and females no longer suffices for the known facts. The limitations of
these conceptions have been felt more or less by many writers. The first purpose
of this work is to make this point clear.
I agree with other authors who, in a recent treatment of the facts connected
with this subject, have taken as a starting- point what has been established
by embryology regarding the existence in human beings, plants, and animals of
an embryonic stage neutral as regards sex.
In the case of a human embryo of less than five weeks, for instance, the sex
to which it would afterwards belong cannot be recognised. In the fifth week
of foetal life processes begin which, by the end of the fifth month of pregnancy,
have turned the genital rudiments, at first alike in the sexes, into one sex
and have determined the sex of the whole organism. The details of these processes
need not be described more fully here. It can be shown that however distinctly
unisexual an adult plant, animal or human being may be, there is always a certain
persistence of the bisexual character, never a complete disappearance of the
characters of the undeveloped sex. Sexual differentiation, in fact, is never
complete. All the peculiarities of the male sex may be present in the female
in some form, however weakly developed; and so also the sexual characteristics
of the woman persist in the man, although perhaps they are not so completely
rudimentary. The characters of the other sex occur in the one sex in a vestigial
form. Thus, in the case of human beings, in which our interest is greatest,
to take an example, it will be found that the most womanly woman has a growth
of colourless hair, known as "lanugo" in the position of the male
beard; and in the most manly man there are developed under the skin of the breast,
masses of glandular tissue connected with the nipples. This condition of things
has been minutely investigated in the true genital organs and ducts, the region
called the "urino-genital tract," and in each sex there has been found
a complete but rudimentary set of parallels to the organs of the other sex.
. . . The fact is that males and females are like two substances combined in
different proportions, but with either element never wholly missing. We find,
so to speak, never either a man or a woman, but only the male condition and
the female condition. Any individual is never to be designated merely as a man
or a woman, but by a formula showing that it is a composite of male and female
characters in different proportions.
. . . The absolute conditions at the two extremes are not metaphysical abstractions
above or outside the world of experience, but their construction is necessary
as a philosophical and practical mode of describing the actual world.
A presentiment of this bisexuality of life (derived from the actual absence
of complete sexual differentiation) is very old. Traces of it may be found in
Chinese myths, but it became active in Greek thought. We may recall the mythical
personification of bisexuality in the Hermaphroditos, the narrative of Aristophanes
in the Platonic dialogue, or in later times the suggestion of a Gnostic sect
(Theophites) that primitive man was a "man-woman."
The Laws of Sexual Attraction
It has been recognised from time immemorial that, in all forms of sexually differentiated
life, there exists an attraction between males and females, between the male
and the female, the object of which is procreation. But as the male and the
female are merely abstract conceptions which never appear in the real world,
we cannot speak of sexual attraction as a simple attempt of the masculine and
the feminine to come together. The theory which I am developing must take into
account all the facts of sexual relations if it is to be complete; indeed, if
it is to be accepted instead of the older views, it must give a better interpretation
of all these sexual phenomena. My recognition of the fact that maleness and
femaleness are distributed in the living world in every possible proportion
has led me to the discovery of an unknown natural law, of a law not yet suspected
by any philosopher, a law of sexual attraction. As observations on human beings
first led me to my results, I shall begin with this side of the subject.
Every one possesses a definite, individual taste of his own with regard to the
other sex. If we compare the portrait of the women which some famous man has
been known to love, we shall nearly always find that they are all closely alike,
the similarity being most obvious in the contour (more precisely in the "figure")
or in the face, but on closer examination being found to extend to the minutest
details, ad unguem, to the finger-tips. It is precisely the same with every
one else. So, also, every girl who strongly attracts a man recalls to him the
other girls he has loved before. We see another side of the same phenomenon
when we recall how often we have said of some acquaintance or another, "I
can't imagine how that type of woman pleases him." Darwin, in the "Descent
of Man," collected many instances of the existence of this individuality
of the sexual taste amongst animals, and I shall be able to show that there
are analogous phenomena even amongst plants.
Sexual attraction is nearly always, as in the case of gravitation, reciprocal.
Where there appear to be exceptions to this rule, there is nearly always evidence
of the presence of special influences which have been capable of preventing
the direct action of the special taste, which is almost always reciprocal, or
which have left an unsatisfied craving, if the direct taste were not allowed
its play.
The common saying, "Waiting for Mr. Right," or statements such that
"So-and-so are quite unsuitable for one another," show the existence
of an obscure presentiment of the fact that every man or woman possesses certain
individual peculiarities which qualify or disqualify him or her for marriage
with any particular member of the opposite sex; and that this man cannot be
substituted for that, or this woman for the other without creating a disharmony.
It is a common personal experience that certain individuals of the opposite
sex are distasteful to us, that others leave us cold; whilst others again may
stimulate us until, at last, some one appears who seems so desirable that everything
in the world is worthless and empty compared with union with such a one. What
are the qualifications of that person? What are his or her peculiarities? If
it really be the case - and I think it is - that every male type has its female
counterpart with regard to sexual affinity, it looks as if there were some definite
law. What is this law? How does it act? "Like poles repel, unlike attract,"
was what I was told when, already armed with my own answer, I resolutely importuned
different kinds of men for a statement, and submitted instances to their power
of generalisation. The formula, no doubt, is true in a limited sense and for
a certain number of cases. But it is at once too general and too vague; it would
be applied differently by different persons, and it is incapable of being stated
in mathematical terms.
This book does not claim to state all the laws of sexual affinity, for there
are many; nor does it pretend to be able to tell every one exactly which individual
of the opposite sex will best suit his taste, for that would imply a complete
knowledge of all the laws in question. In this chapter only one of these laws
will be considered - the law which stands in organic relation to the rest of
the book. I am working at a number of other laws, but the following is that
to which I have given most investigation, and which is most elaborated. In criticising
this work, allowance must be made for the incomplete nature of the material
consequent on the novelty and difficulty of the subject.
. . . The law runs as follows: "For true sexual union it is necessary that
there come together a complete male (M) and a complete female (F), even although
in different cases the M and F are distributed between the two individuals in
different proportions."
Were a man completely male, his requisite complement would be a complete female,
and vice versa. If, however, he is composed of a definite inheritance of maleness,
and also an inheritance of femaleness (which must not be neglected), then, to
complete the individual, his maleness must be completed to make a unit; but
so also must his femaleness be completed.
If, for instance an individual was three-quarters male and one quarter female,
then the best sexual complement of that individual would be a person one quarter
male and three-quarters female.
. . . In this matter we may neglect altogether the so-called aesthetic factor,
the stimulus of beauty. For does it not frequently happen that one man is completely
captivated by a particular woman and raves about her beauty, whilst another,
who is not the sexual complement of the woman in question, cannot imagine what
his friend sees in her to admire. Without discussing the laws of aesthetics
or attempting to gather together examples of relative values, it may readily
be admitted that a man may consider a woman beautiful who, from the aesthetic
standpoint, is not merely indifferent but actually ugly, that in fact pure aesthetics
deal not with absolute, but merely with conceptions of beauty from which the
sexual factor has been eliminated.
I have myself worked out the law in, at the lowest, many hundred cases, and
I have found that the exceptions were only apparent. Almost every couple one
meets in the street furnishes a new proof. The exceptions were specially instructive,
as they not only suggested but led to the investigation of other laws of sexuality.
I myself made special investigations in the following way. I obtained a set
of photographs of aesthetically beautiful women of blameless character, each
of which was a good example of some definite proportion of femininity, and I
asked a number of my friends to inspect these and select the most beautiful.
The selection made was invariably that which I had predicted. With other male
friends, who knew on what I was engaged, I set about in another fashion. They
provided me with photographs from amongst which I was to choose the one I should
expect them to think most beautiful. Here, too, I was uniformly successful.
With others, I was able to describe most accurately their ideal of the opposite
sex, independently of any suggestions unconsciously given by them, often in
minuter detail than they had realised. Sometimes, too, I was able to point out
to them, for the first time, the qualities that repelled them in individuals
of the opposite sex, although for the most part men realise more readily the
characters that repel them than the characters that attract them.
I believe that with a little practice any one could readily acquire and exercise
this art on any circle of friends.
. . . I do not deny that my exposition of the law is somewhat dogmatical and
lacks confirmation by exact detail. But I am not so anxious to claim finished
results as to incite others to the study, the more so as the means for scientific
investigations are lacking in my own case. But even if much remains theoretical,
I hope that I shall have firmly riveted the chief beams in my edifice of theory
by showing how it explains much that hitherto has found no explanation, and
so shall have, in a fashion, proved it retrospectively by showing how much it
would explain if it were true. . . .
Homosexuality and Pederasty
The law of Sexual Attraction gives the long-sought-for explanation of sexual
inversion, of sexual inclination towards members of the same sex, whether or
no that be accompanied by aversion from members of the opposite sex.
. . . The men who are sexually attracted by men have outward marks of effeminacy,
just as women of a similar disposition to those of their own sex exhibit male
characters. That this should be so is quite intelligible if we admit the close
parallelism between body and mind, and further light is thrown upon it by the
facts explained in the second chapter of this book; the facts as to the male
or female principle not being uniformly present all over the same body, but
distributed in different amounts in different organs. In all cases of sexual
inversion, there is invariably an anatomical approximation to the opposite sex.
Such a view is directly opposed to that of those who would maintain that sexual
inversion is an acquired character, and one that has superseded normal sexual
impulses.
. . . That the rudiment of homosexuality, in however weak a form, exists in
every human being, corresponding to the greater or smaller development of the
characters of the opposite sex, is proved conclusively from the fact that in
the adolescent stage, while there is still a considerable amount of undifferentiated
sexuality, and before the internal secretions have exerted their stimulating
force, passionate attachments with a sensual side are the rule amongst boys
as well as amongst girls.
. . . There is no friendship between men that has not an element of sexuality
in it, however little accentuated it may be in the nature of the friendship,
and however painful the idea of the sexual element would be. But it is enough
to remember that there can be no friendship unless there has been some attraction
to draw the men together. Much of the affection, protection, and nepotism between
men is due to the presence of unsuspected sexual compatibility.
. . . Homosexuality has been observed amongst animals to a considerable extent.
F. Karsch has made a wide, if not complete, compilation from other authors.
Unfortunately, practically no observations were made as to the grades of maleness
or femaleness to be observed in such cases. But we may be reasonably certain
that the law holds good in the animal world. If bulls are kept apart from cows
for a considerable time, homosexual acts occur amongst them; the most female
being first sought, the others later, some perhaps never. (It is amongst cattle
that the greatest number of sexually intermediate forms have been recorded.)
This shows that the tendency was latent in them, but that at other times the
sexual demand was satisfied in normal fashion. Cattle in captivity behave precisely
as prisoners and convicts in these matters. Animals exhibit not merely onanism
(which is known to them as to human beings), but also homosexuality; and this
fact, together with the fact that sexually intermediate forms are known to occur
amongst them, I regard as strong evidence for my law of sexual attraction.
Inverted sexual attraction, then, is no exception to my law of sexual attraction,
but is merely a special case of it. An individual who is half-man, half-woman,
requires as sexual complement a being similarly equipped with a share of both
sexes in order to fulfil the requirements of the law. This explains the fact
that sexual inverts usually associate only with persons of similar character,
and rarely admit to intimacy those who are normal. The sexual attraction is
mutual, and this explains why sexual inverts so readily recognise each other.
. . . In spite of all the present-day clamour about the existence of different
rights for different individualities, there is only one law that governs mankind,
just as there is only one logic and not several logics.
. . . My theory appears to me quite incontrovertible and conclusive, and to
afford a complete explanation of the entire set of phenomena. The exposition,
however, must now face a set of facts which appear quite opposed to it, and
which seem absolutely to contradict my reference of sexual inversion to the
existence of sexually intermediate types, and my explanation of the law governing
the attraction of these types for each other. It is probably the case that my
explanation is sufficient for all female sexual inverts, but it is certainly
true that there are men with very little taint of femaleness about them who
yet exert a very strong influence on members of their own sex, a stronger influence
than that of other men who may have more femaleness - an influence which can
be exerted even on very male men, and an influence which, finally, often appears
to be much greater than the influence any woman can exert on these men. Albert
Moll is justified in saying as follows: "There exist psycho-sexual hermaphrodites
who are attracted to members of both sexes, but who in the case of each sex
appear to care only for the characters peculiar to that sex; and, on the other
hand, there are also psychosexual (?) hermaphrodites who, in the case of each
sex, are attracted, not by the characteristics peculiar to that sex, but by
those which are either sexually indifferent or even antagonistic to the sex
in question." Upon this distinction depends the difference between the
two sets of phenomena indicated in the title of this chapter - Homosexuality
and Pederasty. The distinction may be expressed as follows: The homosexualist
is that type of sexual invert who prefers very female men or very male women,
in accordance with the general law of sexual attraction. The pederast, on the
other hand, may be attracted either by very male men or by very female women,
but in the latter case only in so far as he is not pederastic. Moreover, his
inclination for the male sex is stronger than for the female sex, and is more
deeply seated in his nature. The origin of pederasty is a problem in itself
and remains unsolved by this investigation.
The Science of Character and the Science of Form
In view of the admitted close correspondence between matter and mind, we may
expect to find that the conception of sexually intermediate forms, if applied
to mental facts, will yield a rich crop of results. The existence of a female
mental type and a male mental type can readily be imagined (and the quest of
these types has been made by many investigators), but such perfect types never
occur as actual individuals, simply because in the mind, as in the body, all
sorts of sexually intermediate conditions exist. My conception will also be
of great service in helping us to discriminate between the different mental
qualities, and to throw some light into what has always been a dark corner for
psychologists - the differences between different individuals. A great step
will be made if we are able to supply graded categories for the mental diathesis
of individuals; if it shall cease to be scientific to say that the character
of an individual is merely male or female; but if we can make a measured judgment
and say that such and such an one is so many parts male and so many parts female.
Which element in any particular individual has done, said, or thought this or
the other? By making the answer to such a question possible, we shall have done
much towards the definite description of the individual, and the new method
will determine the direction of future investigation. The knowledge of the past,
which sets out from the conceptions which were really confused averages, has
been equally far from reaching the broadest truths as from searching out the
most intimate, detailed knowledge. This failure of past methods gives us hope
that the principle of sexually intermediate forms may serve as the foundation
of a scientific study of character and justifies the attempt to make of it an
illuminating principle for the psychology of individual differences. Its application
to the science of character, which, so far, has been in the hands of merely
literary authors, and is from the scientific point of view an untouched field,
is to be greeted more warmly as it is capable of being used quantitatively,
so that we venture to estimate the percentage of maleness and femaleness which
an individual possesses even in the mental qualities. The answer to this question
is not given even if we know the exact anatomical position of an organism on
the scale stretching from male to female, although as a matter of fact congruity
between bodily and mental sexuality is more common than incongruity. But we
must remember what was stated in chap. ii. as to the uneven distribution of
sexuality over the body.
The proportion of the male to the female principle in the same human being must
not be assumed to be a constant quantity. An important new conclusion must be
taken into account, a conclusion which is necessary to the right application
of the principle which clears up in a striking fashion earlier psychological
work. The fact is that every human being varies or oscillates between the maleness
and the femaleness of his constitution. In some cases these oscillations are
abnormally large, in other cases so small as to escape observation, but they
are always present, and when they are great they may even reveal themselves
in the outward aspect of the body. Like the variations in the magnetism of the
earth, these sexual oscillations are either regular or irregular. The regular
forms are sometimes minute; for instance, many men feel more male at night.
The large and regular oscillations correspond to the great divisions of organic
life to which attention is only now being directed, and they may throw light
upon many puzzling phenomena. The irregular oscillations probably depend chiefly
upon the environment, as for instance on the sexuality of surrounding human
beings. They may help to explain some curious points in the psychology of a
crowd which have not yet received sufficient attention.
In short, bi-sexuality cannot be properly observed in a single moment, but must
be studied through successive periods of time. This time-element in psychological
differences of sexuality may be regularly periodic or not. The swing towards
one pole of sexuality may be greater than the following swing to the other side.
Although theoretically possible, it seems to be extremely rare for the swing
to the male side to be exactly equal to the swing towards the female side.
. . . In the first or biological part of my work, I give little attention to
the extreme types, but devote myself to the fullest investigation of the intermediate
stages. In the second part, I shall endeavour to make as full a psychological
analysis as possible of the characters of the male and female types, and will
touch only lightly on concrete instances.
I shall first mention, without laying too much stress on them, some of the more
obvious mental characteristics of the intermediate conditions.
Womanish men are usually extremely anxious to marry, at least (I mention this
to prevent misconception) if a sufficiently brilliant opportunity offers itself.
When it is possible, they nearly always marry whilst they are still quite young.
It is especially gratifying to them to get as wives famous women, artists or
poets, or singers and actresses.
Womanish men are physically lazier than other men in proportion to the degree
of their womanishness. There are "men" who go out walking with the
sole object of displaying their faces like the faces of women, hoping that they
will be admired, after which they return contentedly home. The ancient "Narcissus"
was a prototype of such persons. These people are naturally fastidious about
the dressing of their hair, their apparel, shoes, and linen; they are concerned
as to their personal appearance at all times, and about the minutest details
of their toilet. They are conscious of every glance thrown on them by other
men, and because of the female element in them, they are coquettish in gait
and demeanour. Viragoes, on the other hand, frequently are careless about their
toilet, and even about the personal care of their bodies; they take less time
in dressing than many womanish men. The dandyism of men on the one hand, and
much of what is called the emancipation of women, are due to the increase in
the numbers of these epicene creatures, and not merely to a passing fashion.
Indeed, if one inquires why anything becomes the fashion it will be found that
there is a true cause for it.
The more femaleness a woman possesses the less will she understand a man, and
the sexual characters of a man will have the greater influence on her. This
is more than a mere application of the law of sexual attraction, as I have already
stated it. So also the more manly a man is the less will he understand women,
but the more readily be influenced by them as women. Those men who claim to
understand women are themselves very nearly women. Womanish men often know how
to treat women much better than manly men. Manly men, except in most rare cases,
learn how to deal with women only after long experience, and even then most
imperfectly.
Although I have been touching here in a most superficial way on what are no
more than tertiary sexual characters, I wish to point out an application of
my conclusions to pedagogy. I am convinced that the more these views are understood
the more certainly will they lead to an individual treatment in education. At
the present time shoe-makers, who make shoes to measure, deal more rationally
with individuals than our teachers and schoolmasters in their application of
moral principles. At present the sexually intermediate forms of individuals
(especially on the female side) are treated exactly as if they were good examples
of the ideal male or female types. There is wanted an "orthopaedic"
treatment of the soul instead of the torture caused by the application of ready-made
conventional shapes. The present system stamps out much that is original, uproots
much that is truly natural, and distorts much into artificial and unnatural
forms.
From time immemorial there have been only two systems of education; one for
those who come into the world designated by one set of characters as males,
and another for those who are similarly assumed to be females. Almost at once
the "boys" and the "girls" are dressed differently, learn
to play different games, go through different courses of instruction, the girls
being put to stitching and so forth. The intermediate individuals are placed
at a great disadvantage. And yet the instincts natural to their condition reveal
themselves quickly enough, often even before puberty. There are boys who like
to play with dolls, who learn to knit and sew with their sisters, and who are
pleased to be given girls' names. There are girls who delight in the noisier
sports of their brothers, and who make chums and playmates of them. After puberty,
there is a still stronger display of the innate differences. Manlike women wear
their hair short, affect manly dress, study, drink, smoke, are fond of mountaineering,
or devote themselves passionately to sport. Womanish men grow their hair long,
wear corsets, are experts in the toilet devices of women, and show the greatest
readiness to become friendly and intimate with them, preferring their society
to that of men.
Later on, the different laws and customs to which the so-called sexes are subjected
press them as by a vice into distinctive moulds. The proposals which should
follow from my conclusions will encounter more passive resistance, I fear, in
the case of girls than in that of boys. I must here contradict, in the most
positive fashion, a dogma that is authoritatively and widely maintained at the
present time, the idea that all women are alike, that no individuals exist amongst
women. It is true that amongst those individuals whose constitutions lie nearer
the female side than the male side, the differences and possibilities are not
so great as amongst those on the male side; the greater variability of males
is true not only for the human race but for the living world, and is related
to the principles established by Darwin. None the less, there are plenty of
differences amongst women. The psychological origin of this common error depends
chiefly on a fact that I explained in chap. iii., the fact that every man in
his life becomes intimate only with a group of women defined by his own constitution,
and so naturally he finds them much alike. For the same reason, and in the same
way, one may often hear a woman say that all men are alike. And the narrow uniform
view about men, displayed by most of the leaders of the women's rights movement
depends on precisely the same cause.
It is clear that the principle of the existence of innumerable individual proportions
of the male and female principles is a basis of the study of character which
must be applied in any rational scheme of pedagogy.
. . . It will be long before official science ceases to regard the study of
physiognomy as illegitimate. Although people will still believe in the parallelism
of mind and body, they will continue to treat the physiognomist as as much of
a charlatan as until quite recently the hypnotist was thought to be. None the
less, all mankind at least unconsciously, and intelligent persons consciously,
will continue to be physiognomists, people will continue to judge character
from the nose, although they will not admit the existence of a science of physiognomy,
and the portraits of celebrated men and of murderers will continue to interest
every one. . . .
Emancipated Women
As an immediate application of the attempt to establish the principle of intermediate
sexual forms by means of a differential psychology, we must now come to the
question which it is the special object of this book to answer, theoretically
and practically, I mean the woman question; theoretically so far as it is not
a matter of ethnology and national economics, and practically in so far as it
is not merely a matter of law and domestic economy, that is to say, of social
science in the widest sense. The answer which this chapter is about to give
must not be considered as final or as exhaustive. It is rather a necessary preliminary
investigation, and does not go beyond deductions from the principles that I
have established. It will deal with the exploration of individual cases and
will not attempt to found on these any laws of general significance. The practical
indications that it will give are not moral maxims that could or would guide
the future; they are no more than technical rules abstracted from past cases.
The idea of male and female types will not be discussed here; that is reserved
for the second part of my book. This preliminary investigation will deal with
only those characterological conclusions from the principle of sexually intermediate
forms that are of significance in the woman question.
The general direction of the investigation is easy to understand from what has
already been stated. A woman's demand for emancipation and her qualification
for it are in direct proportion to the amount of maleness in her. The idea of
emancipation, however, is many-sided, and its indefiniteness is increased by
its association with many practical customs which have nothing to do with the
theory of emancipation. By the term emancipation of a woman, I imply neither
her mastery at home nor her subjection of her husband. I have not in mind the
courage which enables her to go freely by night or by day unaccompanied in public
places, or the disregard of social rules which prohibit bachelor women from
receiving visits from men, or discussing or listening to discussions of sexual
matters. I exclude from my view the desire for economic independence, the becoming
fit for positions in technical schools, universities and conservatories or teachers'
institutes. And there may be many other similar movements associated with the
word emancipation which I do not intend to deal with. Emancipation, as I mean
to discuss it, is not the wish for an outward equality with man, but what is
of real importance in the woman question, the deep-seated craving to acquire
man's character, to attain his mental and moral freedom, to reach his real interests
and his creative power. I maintain that the real female element has neither
the desire nor the capacity for emancipation in this sense. All those who are
striving for this real emancipation, all women who are truly famous and are
of conspicuous mental ability, to the first glance of an expert reveal some
of the anatomical characters of the male, some external bodily resemblance to
a man. Those so-called "women" who have been held up to admiration
in the past and present, by the advocates of woman's rights, as examples of
what women can do, have almost invariably been what I have described as sexually
intermediate forms. . . .
I might refer many emancipated women at present well known to the public, consideration
of whom has provided me with much material for the support of my proposition
that the true female element, the abstract "woman," has nothing to
do with emancipation. There is some historical justification for the saying
"the longer the hair the smaller the brain," but the reservations
made in chap.ii. must be taken into account.
It is only the male element in emancipated women that craves for emancipation.
There is then, a stronger reason than has generally been supposed for the familiar
assumption of male pseudonyms by women writers. Their choice is a mode of giving
expression to the inherent maleness they feel; and this is still more marked
in the case of those who, like George Sand, have a preference for male attire
and masculine pursuits. The motive for choosing a man's name springs from the
feeling that it corresponds with their own character much more than from any
desire for increased notice from the public. As a matter of fact, up to the
present, partly owing to interest in the sex question, women's writings have
aroused more interest, ceteris paribus, than those of men; and, owing to the
issues involved, have always received a fuller consideration and, if there were
any justification, a greater meed of praise than has been accorded to a man's
work of equal merit. At the present time especially many women have attained
celebrity by work which, if it had been produced by a man, would have passed
almost unnoticed. Let us pause and examine this more closely.
If we attempt to apply a standard taken from the names of men who are of acknowledged
value in philosophy, science, literature and art, to the long list of women
who have achieved some kind of fame, there will at once be a miserable collapse.
Judged in this way, it is difficult to grant any real degree of merit to women
like Angelica Kaufmann, or Madame Lebrun, Fernan Caballero or Hroswitha von
Gandersheim, Mary Somerville or George Egerton, Elizabeth Barret Browning or
Sophie Germain, Anna Maria Schurmann or Sybilla Merian. I will not speak of
names (such as that of Droste-Hulshoff) formerly so over-rated in the annals
of feminism, nor will I refer to the measure of fame claimed for or by living
women. It is enough to make the general statement that there is not a single
woman in the history of thought, not even the most manlike, who can be truthfully
compared with men of fifth or sixth-rate genius, for instance with Ruckert as
a poet, Van Dyck as a painter, or Scheirmacher as a philosopher. If we eliminate
hysterical visionaries (Hysteria is the principal cause of much of the intellectual
activity of many of the women now mentioned. But the usual view, that these
cases are pathological, is too limited an interpretation, as I shall show in
the second part of this work), such as Sybils, the Priestesses of Delphi, Bourignon,
Kettenberg, Jeanna de la Mothe Guyon, Joanna Southcote, Beate Sturmin, St. Teresa,
there still remain cases like that of Marie Bashkirtseff. So far as I can remember
from her portrait, she at least seemed to be quite womanly in face and figure,
although her forehead was rather masculine. But to any one who studies her pictures
in the Salle des Etrangers in the Luxemburg Gallery in Paris, and compares them
with those of her adored master, Bastien Lepage, it is plain that she simply
had assimilated the style of the latter, as in Goethe's "Elective Affinities"
Ottilie acquired the handwriting of Eduard.
There remain the interesting and not infrequent cases where the talent of a
clever family seems to reach its maximum in a female member of the family. But
it is only talent that is transmitted in this way, not genius. Margarethe van
Eyck and Sabina von Steinbach form the best illustrations of the kind of artists
who, according to Ernst Guhl, an author with a great admiration for women-workers,
"have been undoubtedly influenced in their choice of an artistic calling
by their fathers, mothers, or brothers. In other words, they found their incentive
in their own families. There are two or three hundred cases on record, and probably
many hundreds more could be added without exhausting the numbers of similar
instances." In order to give due weight to these statistics it may be mentioned
that Guhl had just been speaking of "roughly, a thousand names of women
artists known to us."
This concludes my historical review of the emancipated women. It has justified
the assertion that real desire for emancipation and real fitness for it are
the outcome of a woman's maleness.
The vast majority of women have never paid special attention to art or to science,
and regard such occupations merely as higher branches of manual labour, or if
they profess a certain devotion to such subjects, it is chiefly as a mode of
attracting a particular person or group of persons of the opposite sex. Apart
from these, a close investigation shows that women really interested in intellectual
matters are sexually intermediate forms.
If it be the case that the desire for freedom and equality with man occurs only
in masculine women, the inductive conclusion follows that the female principle
is not conscious of a necessity for emancipation; and the argument becomes stronger
if we remember that it is based on an examination of the accounts of individual
cases and not on psychical investigation of an "abstract woman."
If we now look at the question of emancipation from the point of view of hygiene
(not morality) there is no doubt as to the harm in it. The undesirability of
emancipation lies in the excitement and agitation involved. It induces women
who have no real original capacity but undoubted imitative powers to attempt
to study or write, from various motives, such as vanity or the desire to attract
admirers. Whilst it cannot be denied that there are a good many women with a
real craving for emancipation and for higher education, these set the fashion
and are followed by a host of others who get up a ridiculous agitation to convince
themselves of the reality of their views. And many otherwise estimable and worthy
wives use the cry to assert themselves against their husbands, whilst daughters
take it as a method of rebelling against maternal authority. The practical outcome
of the whole matter would be as follows; it being remembered that the issues
are too mutable for the establishment of uniform rules or laws. Let there be
the freest scope given to, and the fewest hindrances put in the way of all women
with masculine dispositions who feel a psychical necessity to devote themselves
to masculine occupations and are physically fit to undertake them. But the idea
of making an emancipation party, of aiming at a social revolution, must be abandoned.
Away with the whole "woman's movement," with its unnaturalness and
artificiality and its fundamental errors.
It is most important to have done with the senseless cry for "full equality,"
for even the malest woman is scarcely more than 50 per cent male, and it is
only to that male part of her that she owes her special capacity or whatever
importance she may eventually gain. It is absurd to make comparisons between
the few really intellectual women and one's average experience of men, and to
deduce, as has been done, even the superiority of the female sex. As Darwin
pointed out, the proper comparison is between the most highly developed individuals
of two stocks. "If two lists," Darwin wrote in the "Descent of
Man," "were made of the most eminent men and women in poetry, painting,
sculpture, music - comprising composition and performance, history, science,
and philosophy, with half a dozen names under each subject, the two lists would
not bear comparison." Moreover, if these lists were carefully examined
it would be seen that the women's list would prove the soundness of my theory
of the maleness of their genius, and the comparison would be still less pleasing
to the champions of woman's rights.
It is frequently urged that it is necessary to create a public feeling in favour
of the full and unchecked mental development of women. Such an argument overlooks
the fact that "emancipation," the "woman question," "women's
rights movements," are no new things in history, but have always been with
us, although with varying prominence at different times in history. It also
largely exaggerates the difficulties men place in the way of the mental development
of women, especially at the present time. Furthermore it neglects the fact that
at the present time it is not the true woman who clamours for emancipation,
but only the masculine type of woman, who misconstrues her own character and
the motives that actuate her when she formulates her demands in the name of
woman.
As has been the case with every other movement in history, so also it has been
with the contemporary woman's movement. Its originators were convinced that
it was being put forward for the first time, and that such a thing had never
been thought of before. They maintained that women had hitherto been held in
bondage and enveloped in darkness by man, and that it was high time for her
to assert herself and claim her natural rights.
But the prototype of this movement, as of other movements, occurred in the earliest
times. Ancient history and medieval times alike give us instances of women who,
in social relations and intellectual matters, fought for such emancipation,
and of male and female apologists of the female sex. It is totally erroneous
to suggest that hitherto women have had no opportunity for the undisturbed development
of their mental powers.
Jacob Burckhardt, speaking of the Renaissance, says: "The greatest possible
praise which could be given to the Italian women-celebrities of the time was
to say that they were like men in brains and disposition!" The virile deeds
of women recorded in the epics, especially those of Boiardo and Ariosto, show
the ideal of the time. To call a woman a "virago" nowadays would be
a doubtful compliment, but it originally meant an honour.
Women were first allowed on the stage in the sixteenth century, and actresses
date from that time. "At that period it was admitted that women were just
as capable as men of embodying the highest possible artistic ideals." It
was the period when panegyrics on the female sex were rife; Sir Thomas More
claimed for it full equality with the male sex, and Agrippa von Nettesheim goes
so far as to represent women as superior to men! And yet this was all lost for
the fair sex, and the whole question sank into the oblivion from which the nineteenth
century recalled it.
Is it not very remarkable that the agitation for the emancipation of women seems
to repeat itself at certain intervals in the world's history, and lasts for
a definite period?
It has been noticed that in the tenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, and now again
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the agitation for the emancipation
of women has been more marked, and the woman's movement more vigorous than in
the intervening periods. It would be premature to found a hypothesis on the
data at our disposal, but the possibility of a vastly important periodicity
must be borne in mind, of regularly recurring periods in which it may be that
there is an excess of production of hermaphrodite and sexually intermediate
forms. Such a state of affairs is not unknown in the animal kingdom.
According to my interpretation, such a period would be one of minimum "gonochorism,"
cleavage of the sexes; and it would be marked, on the one hand, by an increased
production of male women, and on the other, by a similar increase in female
men. There is strong evidence in favour of such a periodicity; if it occurs
it may be associated with the "secessionist taste," which idealised
tall, lanky women with flat chests and narrow hips. The enormous recent increase
in a kind of dandified homosexuality may be due to the increasing effeminacy
of the age, and the peculiarities of the Pre-Raphaelite movement may have a
similar explanation.
The existence of such periods in organic life, comparable with stages in individual
life, but extending over several generations, would, if proved, throw much light
on many obscure points in human history, concerning which the so-called "historical
solutions," and especially the economic- materialistic views now in vogue
have proved so futile. The history of the world from the biological standpoint
has still to be written; it lies in the future. Here I can do little more than
indicate the direction which future work should take.
Were it proved that at certain periods fewer hermaphrodite beings were produced,
and at certain other periods more, it would appear that the rising and falling,
the periodic occurrence and disappearance of the woman movement in an unfailing
rhythm of ebb and flow, was one of the expressions of the preponderance of masculine
and feminine women with the concomitant greater or lesser desire for emancipation.
Obviously I do not take into account in relation to the woman question the large
number of womanly women, the wives of the prolific artisan class whom economic
pressure forces to factory or field labour. The connection between industrial
progress and the woman question is much less close than is usually realised,
especially by the Social Democrat Group. The relation between the mental energy
required for intellectual and for industrial pursuits is even less. France,
for instance, although it can boast three of the most famous women, has never
had a successful woman's movement, and yet in no other European country are
there so many really businesslike, capable women. The struggle for the material
necessities of life has nothing to do with the struggle for intellectual development,
and a sharp distinction must be made between the two.
The prospects of the movement for intellectual advance on the part of women
are not very promising; but still less promising is another view, sometimes
discussed in the same connection, the view that the human race is moving towards
a complete sexual differentiation, a definite sexual dimorphism.
The latter view seems to me fundamentally untenable, because in the higher groups
of the animal kingdom there is no evidence for the increase of sexual dimorphism.
Worms and rotifers, many birds and the mandrills amongst the apes, have more
advanced sexual dimorphism than man. On the view that such an increased sexual
dimorphism were to be expected, the necessity for emancipation would gradually
disappear as mankind became separated into the completely male and the completely
female. On the other hand, the view that there will be periodical resurrections
of the woman's movement would reduce any such resurrection to ridiculous impotence,
making it only an ephemeral phase in the history of mankind.
A complete obliteration will be the fate of any emancipation movement which
attempts to place the whole sex in a new relation to society, and to see in
man its perpetual oppressor. A corps of Amazons might be formed, but as time
went on the material for the corps would cease to occur. The history of the
woman movement during the Renaissance and its complete disappearance contains
a lesson for the advocates of women's rights. Real intellectual freedom cannot
be attained by an agitated mass; it must be fought for by the individual. Who
is the enemy? What are the retarding influences?
The greatest, the one enemy of the emancipation of women is woman herself. It
is left to the second part of my work to prove this.
SECOND OR PRINCIPAL PART
- THE SEXUAL TYPES -
Man and Woman
"All that a man does is physiognomical of him"
Carlyle
A free field for the investigation of the actual contrasts between the sexes is gained when we recognise that male and female, man and woman, must be considered only as types, and that the existing individuals, upon whose qualities there has been so much controversy, are mixtures of the types in different proportions. Sexually intermediate forms, which are the only actually existing individuals, were dealt with in a more or less schematic fashion in the first part of this book. Consideration of the general biological application of my theory were entered upon there; but now I have to make mankind the special subject of my investigation, and to show the defects of the results gained by the method of introspective analysis, as these results must be qualified by the universal existence of sexually intermediate conditions. In plants and animals the presence of hermaphroditism is an undisputed fact; but in them it appears more to be a juxtaposition of the male and female genital glands in the same individual than an actual fusion of the two sexes, more the co-existence of the two extremes than a quite neutral condition. In the case of human beings, however, it appears to be psychologically true that an individual, at least at one and the same moment, is always either man or woman. This is in harmony with the fact that each individual, whether superficially regarded as male or female, at once can recognise his sexual complement in another individual "woman" or "man." This uni-sexuality is demonstrated by the fact, the theoretical value of which can hardly be overestimated, that, in the relations of two homosexual men one always plays the physical and psychical role of the man, and in cases of prolonged intercourse retains his male first-name, or takes one, whilst the other, who plays the part of the woman, either assumes a woman's name or calls himself by it, or - and this is sufficiently characteristic - receives it from the former.
In the same way, in the sexual relations of two women, one always plays the
male and the other the female part, a fact of the deepest significance. Here
we encounter, in a most unexpected fashion, the fundamental relationship between
the male and the female elements. In spite of all sexually intermediate conditions,
human beings are always one of two things, either male or female. There is a
deep truth underlying the old empirical sexual duality, and this must not be
neglected, even although in concrete cases there is not a necessary harmony
in the anatomical and morphological conditions. To realise this is to make a
great step forward and to advance towards most important results. In this way
we reach a conception of a real "being." The task of the rest of this
book is to set forth the significance of this "existence." As, however,
this existence is bound up with the most difficult side of characterology, it
will be well, before setting out on our adventurous task, to attempt some preliminary
orientation.
. . . Is there in a man a single and simple existence, and, if so, in what relation
does it stand to the complex psychical phenomena? Has man, indeed, a soul? It
is easy to understand why there has never been a science of character. The object
of such a science, the character itself, is problematical. The problem of all
metaphysics and theories of knowledge, the fundamental problem of psychology,
is also the problem of characterology. At the least, characterology will have
to take into account the theory of knowledge itself with regard to its postulates,
claims, and objects, and will have to attempt to obtain information as to all
the differences in the nature of men.
This unlimited science of character will be something more than the "psychology
of individual differences," the renewed insistence upon which as a goal
of science we owe to L. William Stern; it will be more than a sort of polity
of the motor and sensory reactions of the individual, and in so far will not
sink so low as the usual "results" of the modern experimental psychologists,
which, indeed, are little more than statistics of physical experiments. It will
hope to retain some kind of contact with the actualities of the soul which the
modern school of psychology seems to have forgotten, and will not have to fear
that it will have to offer to ardent students of psychology not more than profound
studies of words of one syllable, or of the results on the mind of small doses
of caffein. It is a lamentable testimony to the insufficiency of modern psychology
that distinguished men of science, who have not been content with the study
of perception and association, have yet had to hand over to poetry the explanation
of such fundamental facts as heroism and self-sacrifice.
No science will become shallow so quickly as psychology if it deserts philosophy.
Its separation from philosophy is the true cause of its impotency. Psychology
will have to discover that the doctrine of sensations is practically useless
to it. The empirical psychologists of today, in their search for the development
of character, begin with investigation of touch and the common sensations. But
the analysis of sensations is simply a part of the physiology of sense, and
any attempt to bring it into relation with the real problems of psychology must
fail.
The two most intelligent of the empirical psychologists of recent times, William
James and R. Avenarius, have felt almost instinctively that psychology cannot
really rest upon sensations of the skin and muscles, although, indeed, all modern
psychology does depend upon study of sensation. Dilthey did not lay enough stress
on his argument that existing psychology does nothing towards problems that
are eminently psychological, such as murder, friendship, loneliness, and so
forth. If anything is to be gained in the future there must be a demand for
a really psychological psychology, and its first battle-cry must be: "Away
with the study of sensations."
In attempting the broad and deep characterology that I have indicated, I must
set out with a conception of character itself as a unit of existence. In characterology
we must seek the permanent, existing something through fleeting changes.
The character, however, is not something seated behind the thoughts and feelings
of the individual, but something revealing itself in every thought and feeling.
"All that a man does is physiognomical of him." Just as every cell
bears within it the characters of the whole individual, so every psychical manifestation
of a man involves not merely a few little characteristic traits, but his whole
being, of which at one moment one quality, at another moment another quality,
comes into prominence.
Just as no sensation is ever isolated, but is set in a complete field of sensation,
the world of the Ego, of which now one part and now the other, stands out more
plainly, so the whole man is manifest in every moment of the psychical life,
although, now one side, now the other, is more visible. This existence, manifest
in every moment of the psychical life, is the object of characterology. By accepting
this, there will be completed for the first time a real psychology, existing
psychology, in manifest contradiction of the meaning of the word, having concerned
itself almost entirely with the motley world, the changing field of sensations,
and overlooked the ruling force of the Ego. The new psychology would be a doctrine
of the whole, and would become fresh and fertile inasmuch as it would combine
the complexity of the subject and the object, two spheres which can be separated
only in abstraction. Many disputed points of psychology (perhaps the most important)
would be settled by an application of such characterology, as that would explain
why so many different views have been held on the same subject. The same psychical
process appears from time to time in different aspects, merely because it takes
tone and colouring from the individual character. And so it well may be that
the doctrine of differential psychology may receive its completion in the domain
of general psychology.
The confusion of characterology with the doctrine of the soul has been a great
misfortune, but because this has occurred in actual history, is no reason why
it should continue. The absolute sceptic differs only in a word from the absolute
dogmatist. The man who dogmatically accepts the position of absolute phenomenalism,
believing it to relieve him of all the burdens of proof that the mere entering
on another standpoint would itself entail, will be ready to dismiss without
proof the existence which characterology posits, and which has nothing to do
with a metaphysical "essence."
Characterology had to defend itself against two great enemies. The one assumes
that character is something ultimate, and as little the subject-matter of science
as is the art of a painter. The other looks on the sensations as the only realities,
on sensation as the groundwork of the world of the Ego, and denies the existence
of character. What is left for characterology, the science of character? On
the one hand, there are those who cry, "De individuo nulla scientia,"
and "Individuum est ineffabile", on the other hand, there are those
sworn to science, who maintain that science has nothing to do with character.
In such a cross-fire, characterology has to take its place, and it may well
be feared that it may share the fate of its sisters and remain a trivial subject
like physiognomy or a diviner's art like graphology.
Male and Female Sexuality
"Woman does not
betray her secret."
Kant
"From a woman you can learn nothing of women."
Nietzsche.
By psychology, as a whole, we generally understand the psychology of the psychologists, and these are exclusively men! Never since human history began have we heard of a female psychology! None the less the psychology of woman constitutes a chapter as important with regard to general psychology as that of the child. And inasmuch as the psychology of man has always been written with unconscious but definite reference to man, general psychology has become simply the psychology of men, and the problem of the psychology of the sexes will be raised as soon as the existence of a separate psychology of women has been realised. Kant said that in anthropology the peculiarities of the female were more a study for the philosopher than those of the male, and it may be that the psychology of the sexes will disappear in a psychology of the female.
None the less the psychology of women will have to be written by men. It is
easy to suggest that such an attempt is foredoomed to failure, inasmuch as the
conclusions must be drawn from an alien sex and cannot be verified by introspection.
Granted the possibility that woman could describe herself with sufficient exactness,
it by no means follows that she would be interested in the sides of her character
that would interest us. Moreover, even if she could and would explore herself
fully, it is doubtful if she could bring herself to talk about herself. I shall
show that these three improbabilities spring from the same source in the nature
of woman.
This investigation, therefore, lays itself open to the charge that no one who
is not female can be in a position to make accurate statements about women.
In the meantime the objection must stand, although, later, I shall have more
to say of it. I will say only this much - up to now, and is this only a consequence
of man's suppression? - we have no account from a pregnant woman of her sensations
and feelings, neither in poetry nor in memories, nor even in a gyneacological
treatise. This cannot be on account of excessive modesty, for, as Schopenhauer
rightly pointed out, there is nothing so far removed from a pregnant woman as
shame as to her condition. Besides, there would still remain to them the possibility
of, after the birth, confessing from memory the psychical life during the time;
if a sense of shame had prevented them from such communication during the time,
it would be gone afterwards, and the varied interests of such a disclosure ought
to have induced some one to break silence. But this has not been done. Just
as we have always been indebted to men for really trustworthy expositions of
the psychical side of women, so also it is to men that we owe descriptions of
the sensations of pregnant women. What is the meaning of this?
Although in recent times we have had revelations of the psychical life of half-women
and three-quarter women, it is practically only about the male side of them
that they have written. We have really only one clue; we have to rely upon the
female element in men. The principle of sexually intermediate forms is the authority
for what wek know about women through men. I shall define and complete the application
of this principle later on. In its indefinite form, the principle would seem
to imply that the most womanish man would be best able to describe woman, and
that the description might be completed by the real woman. This, however, is
extremely doubtful. I must point out that a man can have a considerable proportion
of femaleness in him without necessarily, to the same extent, being able to
portray intermediate forms. It is the more remarkable that the male can give
a faithful account of the nature of the female; since, indeed, it must be admitted
from the extreme maleness of successful portrayers of women that we cannot dispute
the existence of this capacity in the abstract male; this power of the male
over the female is a most remarkable problem, and we shall have to consider
it later. For the present we must take it as a fact, and proceed to inquire
in what lies the actual psychological difference between male and female.
It has been sought to attribute the fundamental difference of the sexes to the
existence of a stronger sexual impulse in man, and to derive everything else
from that. Apart from the question as to whether the phrase "sexual instinct"
denotes a simple and real thing, it is to be doubted if there is proof of such
a difference. It is not more probable than the ancient theories as to the influence
of the "unsatisfied womb" in the female, or the "semen retentum"
in men, and we have to be on guard against the current tendency to refer nearly
everything to sublimated sexual instinct. No systematic theory could be founded
on a generalisation so vague. It is most improbable that the greater or lesser
strength of the sexual impulse determines other qualities.
As a matter of fact, the statements that men have stronger sexual impulses than
women, or that women have them stronger than men, are false. The strength of
the sexual impulse in a man does not depend upon the proportion of masculinity
in his composition, and in the same way the degree of femininity of a woman
does not determine her sexual impulse. These differences in mankind still await
classification.
Contrary to the general opinion, there is no difference in the total sexual
impulses of the sexes. However, if we examine the matter in respect to the two
component forces into which Albert Moll analysed the impulse, we shall find
that a difference does exist. These forces may be termed the "liberating"
and the "uniting" impulses. The first appears in the form of the discomfort
caused by the accumulation of ripe sexual cells; the second is the desire of
the ripe individual for sexual completion. Both impulses are possessed by the
male; in the female only the latter is present. The anatomy and the physiological
processes of the sexes bear out the distinction.
In this connection it may be noted that only the most male youths are addicted
to masturbation, and although it is often disputed, I believe that similar vices
occur only among the maler of women, and are absent from the female nature.
I must now discuss the "uniting" impulse of women, for that plays
the chief, if not the sole part in her sexuality. But it must not be supposed
that this is greater in one sex than the other. Any such idea comes from a confusion
between the desire for a thing and the stimulus towards the active part in securing
what is desired. Throughout the animal and plant kingdom, the male reproductive
cells are the motile, active agents, which move through space to seek out the
passive female cells, and this physiological difference is sometimes confused
with the actual wish for, or stimulus to, sexual union. And to add to the confusion,
it happens, in the animal kingdom particularly, that the male, in addition to
the directly sexual stimulus, has the instinct to pursue and bodily capture
the female, whilst the latter has only the passive part to be taken possession
of. These differences of habit must not be mistaken for real differences of
desire.
It can be shown, moreover, that woman is sexually much more excitable (not more
sensitive) physiologically than man.
The condition of sexual excitement is the supreme moment of a woman's life.
The woman is devoted wholly to sexual matters, that is to say, to the spheres
of begetting and of reproduction. Her relations to her husband and children
complete her life, whereas the male is something more than sexual. In this respect,
rather than in the relative strength of the sexual impulses, there is a real
difference between the sexes. It is important to distinguish between the intensity
with which sexual matters are pursued and the proportion of the total activities
of life that are devoted to them and to their accessory cares. The greater absorption
of the human female by the sphere of sexual activities is the most significant
difference between the sexes.
The female, moreover, is completely occupied and content with sexual matters,
whilst men are interested in much else, in war and sport, in social affairs
and feasting, in philosophy and science, in business and politics, in religion
and art. I do not mean to imply that this difference has always existed, as
I do not think that important. As in the case of the Jewish question, it may
be said that the Jews have their present character because it has been forced
upon them, and that at one time they were different. It is now impossible to
prove this, and we may leave it to those who believe in the modification by
the environment to accept it. The historical evidence is equivocal on the point.
In the question of women, we have to take people as they exist today. If, however,
we happen to come on attributes that could not possibly have been grafted on
them from without, we may believe that such have always been with them. Of contemporary
women at least one thing is certain. Apart from an exception to be noted in
chap. xii, it is certain that when the female occupies herself with matters
outside the interests of sex, it is for the man that she loves or by whom she
wishes to be loved. She takes no real interest in things themselves. It may
happen that a real female learns Latin; if so, it is for some such purpose as
to help her son who is at school. Desire for a subject and ability for it, interest
in it, and the facility for acquiring it, are usually proportional. He who has
slight muscles has no desire to wield an axe; those without the faculty for
mathematics do not desire to study that subject. Talent seems to be rare and
feeble in the real female (although possibly it is merely that the dominant
sexuality prevents its development), with the result that woman has no power
of forming the combinations which, although they do not actually make the individuality,
certainly shape it.
Corresponding to true women, there are extremely female men who are to be found
always in the apartments of the women, and who are interested in nothing but
love and sexual matters. Such men, however, are not the Don Juans.
The female principle is, then, nothing more than sexuality; the male principle
is sexual and something more. This difference is notable in the different way
in which men and women enter the period of puberty. In the case of the male
the onset of puberty is a crisis; he feels that something new and strange has
come into his being, that something has been added to his powers and feelings
independently of his will. The physiological stimulus to sexual activity appears
to come from outside his being, to be independent of his will, and many men
remember the disturbing event throughout their after lives. The woman, on the
other hand, not only is not disturbed by the onset of puberty, but feels that
her importance has been increased by it. The male, as a youth, has no longing
for the onset of sexual maturity; the female, from the time when she is still
quite a young girl, looks forward to that time as one from which everything
is to be expected. Man's arrival at maturity is frequently accompanied by feelings
of repulsion and disgust; the young female watches the development of her body
at the approach of puberty with excitement and impatient delight. It seems as
if the onset of puberty were a side path in the normal development of man, whereas
in the case of woman it is the direct conclusion. There are few boys approaching
puberty to whom the idea that they would marry (in the general sense, not a
particular girl) would not appear ridiculous, whilst the smallest girl is almost
invariably excited and interested in the question of her future marriage. For
such reasons a woman assigns positive value only to her period of maturity in
her own case and that of other women; in childhood, as in old age, she has no
real relation to the world. The thought of her childhood is for her, later on,
only the remembrance of her stupidity; she faces the approach of old age with
dislike and abhorrence. The only real memories of her childhood are connected
with sex, and these fade away in the intensely greater significance of her maturity.
The passage of a woman from virginity is the great dividing point of her life,
whilst the corresponding event in the case of a male has very little relation
to the course of his life.
Woman is only sexual, man is partly sexual, and this difference reveals itself
in various ways. The parts of the male body by stimulation of which sexuality
is excited are limited in area, and are strongly localised, whilst in the case
of the woman, they are diffused over her whole body, so that stimulation may
take place almost from any part. When in the second chapter of Part I., I explained
that sexuality is distributed over the whole body of both sexes, I did not mean
that, therefore, the sense organs, through which the definite impulses are stimulated,
were equally distributed. There are, certainly, areas of greater excitability,
even in the case of the woman, but there is not, as in the man, a sharp division
between the sexual areas and the body generally.
The morphological isolation of the sexual area from the rest of the body in
the case of man, may be taken as symbolical of the relation of sex to his whole
nature. Just as there is a contrast between the sexual and the sexless parts
of a man's body, so there is a time-change in his sexuality. The female is always
sexual, the male is sexual only intermittently. The sexual instinct is always
active in woman (as to the apparent exceptions to this sexuality of women, I
shall have to speak later on), whilst in man it is at rest from time to time.
And thus it happens that the sexual impulse of the male is eruptive in character
and so appears stronger. The real difference between the sexes is that in the
male the desire is periodical, in the female continuous.
This exclusive and persisting sexuality of the female has important physical
and psychical consequences. As the sexuality of the male is an adjunct to his
life, it is possible for him to keep it in the physiological background, and
out of his consciousness. And so a man can lay aside his sexuality and not have
to reckon with it. A woman has not her sexuality limited to periods of time,
nor to localised organs. And so it happens that a man can know about his sexuality,
whilst a woman is unconscious of it and can in all good faith deny it, because
she is nothing but sexuality, because she is sexuality itself.
It is impossible for women, because they are only sexual to recognise their
sexuality, because recognition of anything requires duality. With man it is
not only that he is not merely sexual, but anatomically and physiologically
he can "detach" himself from it. That is why he has the power to enter
into whatever sexual relations he desires; if he likes he can limit or increase
such relations; he can refuse or assent to them. He can play the part of a Don
Juan or a monk. He can assume which he will. To put it bluntly, man possesses
sexual organs; her sexual organs possess woman.
We may, therefore, deduce from the previous arguments that man has the power
of consciousness of his sexuality and so can act against it, whilst the woman
appears to be without this power. This implies, moreover, that there is greater
differentiation in man, as in him the sexual and the unsexual parts of his nature
are sharply separated. The possibility or impossibility of being aware of a
particular definite object is, however, hardly a part of the customary meaning
of the word consciousness, which is generally used as implying that if a being
is conscious he can be conscious of any object. This brings me to consider the
nature of the female consciousness.
Male and Female Consciousness
. . . It is necessary to coin a name for those minds to which the duality of
element and character becomes appreciable at no stage in the process. I propose
for phychical data at the earliest stage of their existence the word Henid (from
the Greek, because in them it is impossible to distinguish perception and sensation
as two analytically separable factors, and because, therefore, there is no trace
of duality in them).
Naturally the "henid" is an abstract conception and may not occur
in the absolute form. How often psychical data in human beings actually stand
at the absolute extreme of undifferent- iation is uncertain and unimportant;
but the theory does not need to concern itself with the possibility of such
an extreme. A common example from what has happened to all of us may serve to
illustrate what a henid is. I may have a definite wish to say something particular,
and then something distracts me, and the "it" I wanted to say or think
has gone. Later on, by some process of association, the "it" is quite
suddenly reproduced, and I know at once that it was what was on my tongue, but,
so to speak, in a more perfect stage of development.
I fear lest some one may expect me to describe exactly what I mean by "henid."
The wish can come only from a misconception. The very idea of a henid forbids
its description; it is merely a something. . . . One cannot describe particular
henids; one can only be conscious of their existence.
None the less henids are things as vital as elements and characters. Each henid
is an individual and can be distinguished from other henids. Later on I shall
show that probably the mental data of early childhood (certainly of the first
fourteen months) are all henids, although perhaps not in the absolute sense.
Throughout childhood these data do not reach far from the henid stage; in adults
there is always a certain process of development going on. Probably the perceptions
of some plants and animals are henids. In the case of mankind the development
from the henid to the completely differentiated perception and idea is always
possible, although such an ideal condition may seldom be attained. . . .
Now what is the relation between the investigation I have been making and the
psychology of the sexes? What is the distinction between the male and the female
(and to reach this has been the object of my digression) in the process of clarification?
Here is my answer:
The male has the same psychical data as the female, but in a more articulated
form; where she thinks more or less in henids, he thinks in more or less clear
and detailed presentations in which the elements are distinct from the tones
of feeling. With the woman, thinking and feeling are identical, for man they
are in opposition. The woman has many of her mental experiences as henids, whilst
in man these have passed through a process of clarification. Woman is sentimental,
and knows emotion but not mental excitement.
. . . It is certainly the case that whilst we are still near the henid stage
we know much more certainly what a thing is not than what it is. Instinctive
experience depends on henids. Naturally that condition implies uncertainty and
indecision in judgment. Judgment comes towards the end of the process of clarification;
the act of judgment is in itself a departure from the henid stage.
The most decisive proof for the correctness of the view that attributes henids
to woman and differentiated thoughts to man, and that sees in this a fundamental
sexual distinction, lies in the fact that wherever a new judgment is to be made,
(not merely something already settled to be put into proverbial form) it is
always the case that the female expects from man the clarification of her data,
the interpretation of her henids. It is almost a tertiary sexual character of
the male, and certainly it acts on the female as such, that she expects from
him the interpretation and illumination of her thoughts. It is from this reason
that so many girls say that they could only marry, or, at least, only love a
man who was cleverer than themselves; that they would be repelled by a man who
said that all they thought was right, and did not know better than they did.
In short, the woman makes it a criterion of manliness that the man should be
superior to herself mentally, that she should be influenced and dominated by
the man; and this in itself is enough to ridicule all ideas of sexual equality.
The male lives consciously, the female lives unconsciously. This is certainly
the necessary conclusion for the extreme cases. The woman receives her consciousness
from the man; the function to bring into consciousness what was outside it is
a sexual function of the typical man with regard to the typical woman, and is
a necessary part of his ideal completeness. . . .
Talent and Genius
There has been so much written about the nature of genius that, to avoid misunderstanding,
it will be better to make a few general remarks before going into the subject.
And the first thing to do is to settle the question of talent. Genius and talent
are nearly always connected in the popular idea, as if the first were a higher,
or the highest, grade of the latter, and as if a man of very high and varied
talents might be a sort of intermediate between the two. This view is entirely
erroneous. Even if there were different degrees or grades of genius, they would
have absolutely nothing to do with so-called "talent." A talent, for
instance the mathematical talent, may be possessed by some one in a very high
degree from birth; and he will be able to master the most difficult problems
of that science with ease; but for this he will require no genius, which is
the same as originality, individuality, and a condition of general productiveness.
On the other hand, there are men of great genius who have shown no special talent
in any marked degree; for instance, men like Novalis or Jean Paul. Genius is
distinctly not the superlative of talent; there is a world-wide difference between
the two; they are of absolutely unlike nature; they can neither be measured
by one another or compared to each other.
Talent is hereditary; it may be the common possession of a whole family (eg,
the Bach family); genius is not transmitted; it is never diffused, but is strictly
individual.
Many ill-balanced people, and in particular women, regard genius and talent
as identical. Women, indeed, have not the faculty of appreciating genius, although
this is not the common view. Any extravagance that distinguishes a man from
other men appeals equally to their sexual ambition; they confuse the dramatist
with the actor, and make no distinction between the virtuoso and the artist.
. . .
Great men take themselves and the world too seriously to become what is called
merely intellectual. Men who are merely intellectual are insincere; they are
people who have never really been deeply engrossed by things and who do not
feel an overpowering desire for production. All that they care about is that
their work should glitter and sparkle like a well-cut stone, not that it should
illuminate anything. They are more occupied with what will be said of what they
think than by the thoughts themselves. There are men who are willing to marry
a woman they do not care about merely because she is admired by other men. Such
a relation exists between many men and their thoughts. I cannot help thinking
of one particular living author, a blaring, outrageous person, who fancies that
he is roaring when he is only snarling. Unfortunately, Nietzsche (however superior
he is to the man I have in mind) seems to have devoted himself chiefly to what
he thought would shock the public. He is at his best when he is most unmindful
of effect. His was the vanity of the mirror, saying to what it reflects, "See
how faithfully I show you your image." In youth when a man is not yet certain
of himself he may try to secure his own position by jostling others. Great men,
however, are painfully aggressive only from necessity. They are not like a girl
who is most pleased about a new dress because she knows that it will annoy her
friends.
Genius! genius! how much mental disturbance and discomfort, hatred and envy,
jealousy and pettiness, has it not aroused in the majority of men, and how much
counterfeit and tinsel has the desire for it not occasioned?
I turn gladly from the imitations of genius to the thing itself and its true
embodiment. But where can I begin? All the qualities that go to make genius
are in so intimate connection that to begin with any one of them seems to lead
to premature conclusions.
. . . If the road that I am about to take does not lead to every goal at once,
it is only because that is the nature of roads.
Consider how much deeper a great poet can reach into the nature of man than
an average person. Think of the extraordinary number of characters depicted
by Shakespeare or Euripides, or the marvellous assortment of human beings that
fill the pages of Zola. After the Penthesilea, Heinrich von Kleist created K,,tchen
von Heilbronn, and Michael Angelo embodied from his imagination the Delphic
Sibyls and the Leda. There have been few men so little devoted to art as Kant
and Schelling, and yet these have written most profoundly and truly about it.
In order to depict a man one must understand him, and to understand him one
must be like him; in order to portray his psychological activities one must
be able to reproduce them in oneself. To understand a man one must have his
nature in oneself. One must be like the mind one tries to grasp. It takes a
thief to know a thief, and only an innocent man can understand another innocent
man. The poseur only understands other poseurs, and sees nothing but pose in
the actions of others; whilst the simple- minded fails to understand the most
flagrant pose. To understand a man is really to be that man.
It would seem to follow that a man can best understand himself - a conclusion
plainly absurd. No one can understand himself, for to do that he would have
to get outside himself; the subject of the knowing and willing activity would
have to become its own object. To grasp the universe it would be necessary to
get a standpoint outside the universe, and the possibility of such a standpoint
is incompatible with the idea of a universe. He who could understand himself
could understand the world. I do not make the statement merely as an explanation:
it contains an important truth, to the significance of which I shall recur.
For the present I am content to assert that no one can understand his deepest,
most intimate nature. This happens in actual practice; when one wishes to understand
in a general way, it is always from other persons, never oneself, that one gets
one's materials. The other person chosen must be similar in some respect, however
different as a whole; and, making use of this similarity, he can recognise,
represent, comprehend. So far as one understands a man, one is that man.
The man of genius takes his place in the above argument as he who understands
incomparably more other beings than the average man. Goethe is said to have
said of himself that there was no vice or crime of which he could not trace
the tendency in himself, and that at some period of his life he could not have
understood fully. The genius, therefore, is a more complicated, more richly
endowed, more varied man; and a man is the closer to being a genius the more
men he has in his personality, and the more really and strongly he has these
others within him. If comprehension of those about him only flickers in him
like a poor candle, then he is unable, like the great poet, to kindle a mighty
flame in his heroes, to give distinction and character to his creations. The
ideal of an artistic genius is to live in all men, to lose himself in all men,
to reveal himself in multitudes; and so also the aim of the philosopher is to
discover all others in himself, to fuse them into a unit which is his own unit.
. . .
This protean character of genius is no more simultaneous than the bi-sexuality
of which I have spoken. Even the greatest genius cannot understand the nature
of all men at the same time, on one and the same day. The comprehensive and
manifold rudiments which a man possesses in his mind can develop only slowly
and by degrees with the gradual unfolding of his whole life. It appears almost
as if there were a definite periodicity in his development. These periods, when
they recur, however, are not exactly alike; they are not mere repetitions, but
are intensifications of their predecessors, on a higher plane. No two moments
in the life of an individual are exactly alike; there is between the later and
the earlier periods only the similarity of the higher and lower parts of a spiral
ascent. Thus it has frequently happened that famous men have conceived a piece
of work in their early youth, laid it aside during manhood, and resumed and
completed it in old age. Periods exist in every man, but in different degrees
and with varying "amplitude." Just as the genius is the man who contains
in himself the greatest number of others in the most active way, so the amplitude
of a man's periods will be the greater the wider his mental relations may be.
Illustrious men have often been told, by their teachers, in their youth "that
they were always in one extreme or another." As if they could be anything
else! These transitions in the case of unusual men often assume the character
of a crisis. Goethe once spoke of the "recurrence of puberty" in an
artist. The idea is obviously to be associated with the matter under discussion.
It results from their periodicity that, in men of genius, sterile years precede
productive years, these again to be followed by sterility, the barren periods
being marked by psychological self-depreciation, by the feeling that they are
less than other men; times in which the remembrance of the creative periods
is a torment, and when they envy those who go about undisturbed by such penalties.
Just as his moments of ecstasy are more poignant, so are the periods of depression
of a man of genius more intense than those of other men. Every great man has
such periods, of longer or shorter duration, times in which he loses self-confidence,
in which he thinks of suicide; times in which, indeed, he may be sowing the
seeds of a future harvest, but which are devoid of the stimulus to production;
times which call forth the blind criticisms "How such a genius is degenerating!"
"How he has played himself out!" "How he repeates himself!"
and so forth.
It is just the same with other characteristics of the man of genius. Not only
the material, but also the spirit, of his work is subject to periodic change.
At one time he is inclined to a philosophical and scientific view; at another
time the artistic influence is strongest; at one time his intervals are altogether
in the direction of history and the growth of civilisation; later on it is "nature"
(compare Nietzsche's "Studies in Infinity" with his "Zarathustra");
at another time he is a mystic, at yet another simplicity itself! (Bjornson
and Maurice Maeterlinck are good modern examples.) In fact, the "amplitude"
of the periods of famous men is so great, the different revelations of their
nature so various, so many different individuals appear in them, that the periodicity
of their mental life may be taken almost as diagnostic. . . .
The presence of a multitude of possibilities in great men has important consequences
connected with the theory of henids that I elaborated in the last chapter. A
man understands what he already has within himself much more quickly than what
is foreign to him (were it otherwise there would be no intercourse possible:
as it is we do not realise how often we fail to understand one another). To
the genius, who understands so much more than the average man, much more will
be apparent.
The schemer will readily recognise his fellow; an impassioned player easily
reads the same power in another person; whilst those with no special powers
will observe nothing. Art discerns itself best, as Wagner said. In the case
of complex personalities the matter stands thus: one of these can understand
other men better than they can understand themselves, because within himself
he has not only the character he is grasping, but also its opposite. Duality
is necessary for observation and comprehension; if we inquire from psychology
what is the most necessary condition for becoming conscious of a thing, for
grasping it, we shall find the answer in "contrast." If everything
were a uniform grey we should have no idea of colour; absolute unison of sound
would soon produce sleep in all mankind; duality, the power which can differentiate,
is the origin of the alert consciousness. Thus it happens that no one can understand
himself were he to think of nothing else all his life, but he can understand
another to whom he is partly alike, and from whom he is also partly quite different.
Such a distribution of qualities is the condition most favourable for understanding.
In short, to understand a man means to have equal parts of himself and of his
opposite in one.
That things must be present in pairs of contrasts if we are to be conscious
of one member of the pair is shown by the facts of our colour-vision. Colour-blindness
always extends to the complementary colours. Those who are red blind are also
green blind; those who are blind to blue have no consciousness of yellow. This
law holds good for all mental phenomena; it is a fundamental condition of consciousness.
The most high-spirited people understand and experience depression much more
than those who are of level disposition. Any one with so keen a sense of delicacy
and subtilty as Shakespeare must also be capable of extreme grossness.
The more types and their contrasts a man unites in his own mind the less will
escape him, since observation follows comprehension, and the more he will see
and understand what other men feel, think, and wish. There has never been a
genius who was not a great discerner of men. The great man sees through the
simpler man often at a glance, and would be able to characterise him completely.
Most men have this, that, or the other faculty or sense disproportionately developed.
One man knows all the birds and tells their different voices most accurately.
Another has a love for plants and is devoted to botany from his childhood. One
man pores lovingly into the many layered rocks of the earth, and has only the
vaguest appreciation of the skies; to another the attraction of cold, star-sown
space is supreme. One man is repelled by the mountains and seeks the restless
sea; another, like Nietzsche, gets no help from the tossing waters and hungers
for the peace of the hills. Every man, however simple he may be, has some side
of nature with which he is in special sympathy and for which his faculties are
specially alert. And so the ideal genius, who has all men within him, has also
all their preferences and all their dislikes. There is in him not only the universality
of men, but of all nature. He is the man to whom all things tell their secrets,
to whom most happens, and whom least escapes. He understands most things, and
those most deeply, because he has the greatest number of things to contrast
and compare them with. The genius is he who is conscious of most, and of that
most acutely. And so without doubt his sensations must be most acute; but this
must not be understood as implying, say, in the artist the keenest power of
vision, in the composer the most acute hearing; the measure of genius is not
to be taken from the acuteness of the sense organ but from that of the perceiving
brain.
The consciousness of the genius is, then, the furthest removed from the henid
stage. It has the greatest, most limpid clearness and distinctness. In this
way genius declares itself to be a kind of higher masculinity, and thus the
female cannot be possessed of genius. The conclusion of this chapter and the
last is simply that the life of the male is a more highly conscious life than
that of the female, and genius is identical with the highest and widest consciousness.
This extremely comprehensive consciousness of the highest types of mankind is
due to the enormous number of contrasting elements in their natures.
Universality is the distinguishing mark of genius. There is no such thing as
a special genius, a genius for mathematics, or for music, or even for chess,
but only a universal genius. The genius is a man who knows everything without
having learned it.
It stands to reason that this infinite knowledge does not include theories and
systems which have been formulated by science from facts, neither the history
of the Spanish war of succession nor experiments in dia-magnetism.
The artist does not acquire his knowledge of the colours reflected on water
by cloudy or sunny skies, by a course of optics, any more than it requires a
deep study of characterology to judge other men. But the more gifted a man is,
the more he has studied on his own account, and the more subjects he has made
his own.
The theory of special genius, according to which for instance, it is supposed
that a musical "genius" should be a fool at other subjects, confuses
genius with talent. A musician, if truly great, is just as well able to be universal
in his knowledge as a philosopher or a poet. Such an one was Beethoven. On the
other hand, a musician may be as limited in the sphere of his activity as any
average man of science. Such an one was Johann Strauss, who, in spite of his
beautiful melodies, cannot be regarded as a genius if only because of the absence
of constructive faculty in him. To come back to the main point; there are many
kinds of talent, but only one kind of genius, and that is able to choose any
kind of talent and master it. There is something in genius common to all those
who possess it; however much difference there may seem to be between the great
philosopher